Thursday, October 30, 2008

Handbook for Generating Wealth

by Phil Bartle, PhD
He is not poor who hath not much
But he who craves much.
Thomas Fuller
Preface:
This is the second of three companion handbooks for the field worker. Most community development workers are concerned with the generation or creation of public or communal wealth (access to human settlements facilities or services such as schools, clinics, roads, market-places, water supplies, sanitation). The first companion handbook (Handbook for Mobilizers) concentrates on that. This one looks more at private (individual or family) wealth, how the reduction of poverty can include small scale or micro enterprise, and how a community mobilizer can contrib-ute to its development.
It is the result of six years of mobilization and community management training in the CMP (Community Manage-ment Programme) of Uganda, executed by UNCHS (Habitat) and implemented by the Directorate of Community Development of the Government of Uganda. Many lessons were learned over the years, some by success, some by failure. Through it all we have seen the Potential strength and amazing resilience of the communities. What we have come to realise is that all communities, no matter how poor, have resources (many that still need to be identi-fied) that can be tapped, so that they, and all of the country, can develop. To tap this huge national resource, mobi-lization and management training are needed. This handbook shows how those potential resources can be released for sustainable development. It is intended for Government, NGO, professional and voluntary mobilizers every-where. It is not limited to Uganda. We pray that it is useful to you.
Phil Bartle, Chief Technical Adviser
Laban Mbulamuko, National Coordinator Uganda
Community Management Programme 1992-1998
Introduction:
This is the second of three companion handbooks for the community mobilizer. It is a companion to "Handbook for Mobilizers," and "Handbook for Monitoring and Evaluation." While the first of these is aimed at fighting pov-erty by the creation of wealth of a communal nature (eg with public access and/or publicly owned), this hand book is aimed at the creation of wealth (to fight poverty) for private ownership (individuals and their families) through micro entrepreneurship.
This is a "how-to" book for community development workers who aim to help to eradicate poverty. There are many different methods of promoting the generation of wealth; this is one. It begins with an analysis of poverty and its causes, leading to actions aimed at removing it. It then goes on to look at using a combination of credit and training to promote entrepreneurship.
Then some tips on organizing groups. The next part describes the skills you will need to transfer to those who would become entrepreneurs. Finally, the requirements for running a viable micro enterprise. This handbook aims to minimise theory, history, and narrative; it concentrates on what you, as a community mobilizer, need to know, and what skills you need, to promote poverty reduction.
1. Poverty and Wealth:
Our long term goal is the eradication of poverty. We will not eliminate it by temporarily alleviating the discomfort and pain caused by poverty. Those are symptoms. We must identify the causes of poverty, and counteract those powerful negative forces. We must devise methods to create genuine wealth as a sustainable process of growth.
Every great military leader will tell you that, to defeat the enemy, you need to know all about that enemy. If we are to defeat poverty, then we must know much about poverty (not only its symptoms) and about wealth. This hand-book does not tell you everything about poverty; it introduces you to the main elements, and points you in the di-
rection of your teaching more to yourself.
Take these ideas, write them in your journal, think about them, expand them, challenge them, discuss with friends and colleagues at workshops, seminars, and during your rest times. Use this handbook as a starter.
1.1. An Alternative perspective:
In understanding the nature and causes of poverty and wealth, we must first discard some common assumptions. Poverty is not merely the absence of money. Wealth is not merely the possession of money.
Poverty and wealth go far beyond the absence or presence of money. Money can be used sometimes as a measure of wealth, a means to store wealth, and a useful set of symbols for the exchange of wealth. But money is not wealth, and the nature of poverty is far more interesting and challenging than just the absence of money.
Once you start with this radical or revolutionary idea, that wealth is more than money, and that poverty is more than the lack of money, then you can learn how to more successfully attack the common enemy, poverty. This is not to belittle money. In our fight against poverty, money can be a very useful tool. Much of the "how-to" parts of this handbook shows how money can be used to fight poverty and generate wealth. Remember, money itself will not eliminate poverty.
You, as a community worker, need three things to contribute to the removal of poverty: (1) an understanding of concepts and principles (2) some skills in training, facilitating and organizing, and (3) personal characteristics, including integrity, motivation and creativity. Without being too theoretical, therefore, the first two chapters of this handbook point you towards the principles and concepts you must understand.
1.2. Wealth:
If money is not the same thing as wealth, and just adding money will not eliminate poverty, then what is wealth and how will it help to fight poverty? If we simply add some money to an economy (eg printing more bills), then we contribute to inflation, making all money worth less than it was. Inflation simply means that the costs of things goes up. If we just transfer money, from rich people to poor people (alms, charity), we do not create new wealth and we do not attack causes of poverty.
If we look at the economist's definition of wealth, we will come closer to seeing how it will be used in the fight against poverty. Economists talk about "goods and services" with value, but even "goods" have value only in the extent to which they provide a service. The key concept, here, is value. Something has relative value according to two attributes, (1) if it is relatively useful (has utility) and (2) if it is relatively scarce.
Any of us who have been short of cash feel that we know what poverty is. But the experience of individual pov-erty, which is alleviated by getting some money, is very different from the social problem of poverty, which a problem of the whole economy, not lack of cash. The social problem of poverty is lack of wealth, not lack of money. For low-income persons, poverty is also how wealth is distributed through the society. If you add money to the system, you only create inflation, and that does not rid society of poverty.
The answer to fighting poverty, the social problem, then, is not to add money but to create or generate wealth; that is why the title of this handbook is about wealth generation, not merely income generation. You can do three things with wealth: (1) consume it, (2) store it, and (3) invest it.
To illustrate this, let us take the example of an African farmer. Since the vast majority of farmers on the continent are women and girls, we will use "she," but will not discriminate against or forget males. Let us say she has just harvested a crop of corn. She can (1) consume, (2) store, or (3) invest it. She can cook and eat some, with her friends and relations; that is to (1) consume. She can put some away in a container; that is to (2) store. If parasites and pests destroy some of the stored corn, we will just call that an unfortunate form of consumption. She can also put some of the corn aside to use as seed, to plant and grow further crops in the future. This is (3) investment of her wealth, corn (which is relatively scarce and useful).
The clue to increasing wealth in an economic system, then, is investment, where immediate consumption is for-gone in the present or short run, in order to make increased production of wealth in the future. Our modern com-plex world is not as simple as that of one farmer making three choices, but the principle remains the same, invest-ment leads to increasing wealth, and fighting poverty.
1.3. Poverty:
What causes poverty? The social problem poverty. Lack of money is a measure and a symptom of poverty; not a cause. Treating the symptom will not cure the disease (although it might temporarily alleviate the discomfort).. The causes of the social problem of poverty lie in several factors, especially the big five: disease, ignorance, dis-honesty, apathy and dependency.
Disease causes the labour supply of the society to be less productive. Sickness and death subtract from one of the three main factors of production, human labour. Disease itself can be reduced by a greater understanding of how to prevent disease, and ensuring that public wealth intended to be used to prevent and cure disease is not diverted for personal gain. Thus the factors of poverty are inter linked: dishonesty and ignorance contribute to disease, and all three contribute to poverty.
Ignorance, as mentioned elsewhere, is not a shameful thing, it is merely a fact. It is caused by isolation so that some people do not know some things simply because they have not heard of those things (information). Other factors of poverty can contribute to ignorance, including disease and dishonesty. Both those factors contribute to a lower availability of education and information.
Dishonesty, in turn, is a major cause of poverty as a social problem. When a person in a position of trust diverts a hundred units of value towards personal use, the society at large may lose much more than a hundred units of value that could contribute to development and to the reduction of poverty. That is part of what economists call the "multiplier effect." Dishonesty thrives in an atmosphere of apathy, ignorance and dependency, so here is another example of the inter-linking of factors of poverty.
Note that this is not a value judgement. We do not say dishonesty, disease, ignorance and apathy are bad. That is for our religious leaders to teach about good and bad. This is just a scientific analysis (social science) of the factors of poverty. To fight the social problem of poverty (if that is the decision of the people) it is necessary to identify and analyse the causes of poverty.
Further factors of poverty include lack of markets, lack of leadership, lack of supporting institutions, corruption and poor infrastructure. These factors, in turn, are the results of the five key causes: apathy, disease, dishonesty, dependency and ignorance.
Poverty, like wealth, comes in several varieties ― related to ownership. The lack of communal human settlement facilities and services belongs to public or group ownership. These include lack of access to health facilities and educational facilities, lack of infrastructure such as roads, market places, electricity or telephone, and lack of other communal infrastructure such as sanitation, potable water and a dependable food supply.
These forms of communal wealth differ from personal ownership, where poverty is manifested in low or no wages, lack of land and other property, lack of privately owned capital (tools, buildings, factories), and lack of human skills. The attack on poverty in the communal sector is described in more detail in the first of these companion handbooks, "Handbook for Mobilizers." This handbook emphasises private capital formation and poverty reduction by stimulating private micro enterprise.
1.4. Investment:
This method initiates, at a very low level, private investment that, if it takes root and grows, contributes to country-wide wealth creation and poverty eradication.
Existing wealth can be directed towards consumption or investment. Corn, as a food, is an example of a consump-tion good. A garden hoe, used to prepare the farmland, is an example of a capital good. A capital good can not be directly consumed, but can contribute to increased further wealth. Investment means directing wealth towards the production of capital, which is needed to contribute to growth of wealth in the community and society. This hand-book shows you how to initiate investment.
Small scale productive business, especially the initial processing of agricultural products, is most effectively car-ried out by individual entrepreneurs. That initial processing is highly needed throughout the continent, and is the most promising sector for reducing poverty on a wide scale basis. Your job as a mobilizer is to introduce low in-come individuals, especially women (also unemployed youth, disabled, vulnerable), to become creators of wealth, ie individual off-farm entrepreneurs processing agricultural crops.
2. Credit and Investment:
The method that is presented in this handbook is to introduce credit to would-be entrepreneurs, who then use other people's savings (as loans) to divert away from immediate conception, towards investment, and the creating of wealth.
When some one borrows money, it is not a gift; it must be paid back. If it is not paid back, the borrower has en-gaged in theft, and is dishonest. If there is a widespread attitude that borrowed money need not be paid back, that dishonesty is one of the big five factors of poverty as a social problem.
The causes of defaulting on a loan may be innocent enough: un-realistic high hopes, naïveté (by both to lender and borrower), and expectations that are not realistic (at the time the loan is made). Un-realistic borrowing can be a major cause of the breakdown of trust and the break-up of friendships. It has also made many governments bank-rupt.
As a mobilizer, in your crusade against poverty, it is your responsibility that any loans intended for creating wealth are not un-realistically too high. You must be able to honestly say to yourself, about every loan you approve or recommend, that it can be re-paid (100%). If not, then you support the survival of poverty. As Eldritch Cleaver and Malcolm X said, "If you are not part of the solution, then you are part of the problem."
2.1. Value Added:
Remember the story above about the farmer and her choices of what to do with her corn harvest? There we men-tioned she could consume, store or put aside some of it for seed. A fourth alternative is another form of investment, she could process it. Milled corn is more valuable than non-milled corn. By adding factors of production (land, labour, capital) she can add value to her (or someone else's) corn by milling it.
The processing of the corn creates wealth. It does not happen by itself; she must put in more inputs: capital (tools, including a milling machine), land (a place to mill), and labour (putting the corn in; taking the posho out). If the value of the output, milled corn, is more than the combined value of the original un-milled corn and the production costs of milling it, then real wealth (not just money) has been generated by the activity. It is in this little story that we find the essence of fighting poverty on a continental scale. This is "value added."
Most of Africa, indeed most of the developing world, is agricultural. Some crops are exported for cash, most are consumed by the producers. One of the major elements lacking is the initial (let alone subsequent) processing of agricultural products. If we can find a way to fill this void, by helping women to fight personal and family poverty, then we support a revolutionary battle in the war against poverty. The important task is to identify a "value-added" sector when the value that is added contributes to eradicating the social problem of widespread poverty.
2.2. Using Borrowed Money to Create Wealth:
The money that is loaned by the lender and borrowed by the borrower, is credit. The "principal" of the loan is the amount loaned. The "interest" on the loan is the "rent" value of borrowing and using the loan. Service charges may
be added as further costs of borrowing the money.
When we talked about the farmer investing by setting aside some of her crop as seed, she was investing her own real wealth. The target group you aim for (beneficiaries), low income women, may not have enough of their own wealth to invest. Other people may have stored wealth that they are willing to "rent" out (for a price, the interest) for others to invest. That is the credit which is an available resource.
Do not give your target group money (grants) as capital to invest; do not hand out free sewing machines; that trains them to become dependent on an unsustainable source as a factor of their production. Instead, you give them some skill training and assist them to obtain some credit. These must be realistically sized loans that they can use as in-vestment in creating wealth, and pay back both the principal and interest out of the wealth they have created.
2.3. Why Credit and Not Grants?
The core handbook for which this is a companion (Handbook for Mobilizers), pointed out an important principle of empowering and strengthening. If your muscles do not exercise, they atrophy (get weaker); if you do push-ups, your arms will get stronger. If a community is given everything, it will not become self-reliant. If you give free money to a business person, you train her to become dependent upon gifts or charity.
If a person wants to start a business, she needs financial capital to get started. If you give her that money she gets training in dependency. That financial capital is valuable, and she should pay some rent for temporarily possessing and using it. That "rent" for the use of someone else's money, is the "interest" she should pay on the loan of that money. Just as some one pays rent for accommodation to the owner of a house, so a borrower should pay interest on the loan to the owner of that money.
She should also pay back the loan. It is not a gift, alms, or charity. It is a business input or resource, and is rented. It must be returned. The rented house, like the borrowed money, remains the property of its owner (landlord, lender).
If you allow an entrepreneur to default on a loan (not pay it back), you do two disservices: (1) to the individual and (2) to the community and society as a whole. The entrepreneur will get training that encourages dependency and dishonesty (two major factors of the social problem of poverty) and you contribute to mismanagement and loss of capital in the economic system. The entrepreneur will miss out on an important lesson of personal empowerment in running a viable business, while the society misses out on one more potential for economic growth and eradication of poverty.
Notice that a moral judgement about defaulting on a loan has not been made. The non payment of money back to its owner (which is theft) may be immoral or a crime, but it is up to our religious leaders and law keepers to attend to that. A social science analysis merely points to how it reinforces the social problem of poverty. The need to em-phasise that grants should not be given, that loans should be repaid, and that they should be paid-for (interest), are all three good reasons why initial loans to inexperienced borrowers (your target group) should be small (ie afford-able), and therefore more re-payable.
2.4. What Interest Rates?
If your objective is to train new entrepreneurs to become empowered, to create and run viable enterprises, then their loans should not be free, and the interest not subsidised. Many persons, on first hearing this, may object. "But these are poor women! We should not force them to pay interest on loans! They are too poor!" Their sentiment is charitable, but their analysis is weak. Do we want to train poor women to stay poor? Or do we want to empower them?
If we want to train them to become self reliant and to create wealth, then we need to train them to devise a profit-able enterprise, one that makes a profit high enough to pay the market value of the "rent" (interest) for using other people's money. Better to guide them towards designing a smaller scale of business, to gain experience, to borrow less money, make an honest profit and pay back both the loan and its interest.
Make sure your target group, your participants, are trained from the beginning in being strong enough to pay a market rate of interest, the same as charged by a commercial or government bank.
2.5. What Sizes of Loans?
The prefix "micro" means tiny. This methodology is aimed at very low income persons who have no experience in business. Micro-enterprise. If someone is already successfully in business, and needs a 50,000,000/= ($50,000) loan, then they do not belong to this target group, and should look elsewhere.
This scheme is aimed at individuals who will initially borrow between 10,000/= and 100,000/= ($10 to $100) and use it to generate wealth. If they are successful the first time, make a profit, keep accurate records, pay the interest as well as the principal, then they can get a larger second loan. If the range is from 10 to 100, all the loans can not be 100. The average of all loans should be 50 to 60.
The second loan can be from two to twenty times larger than the first loan, depending upon how promptly they repay the first one, how much profit they make after paying all costs, including interest and their own labour. If they can not learn to make a profit on a loan of 100,000/= ($100), then we can not expect them to make a profit on 1,000,000/= ($1,000).
The third loan can be two to twenty times larger than the second loan, again depending upon the level of success the second time. You job as mobilizer is to challenge each participant who is a potential entrepreneur. This will be expanded in chapter five.
Very often the participant will be naively optimistic, and ask for a loan for greater than her capacity to use in gen-erating wealth and making a profit. She must have a realistic business proposal that will establish a viable enter-prise, not one based on ignorance and wishful thinking.
Keeping the initial loans small is an important contribution to viability.
3. Organizing Groups:
Remember that this handbook, like its companions, is aimed at community mobilizers, or animators. What is the most important skill of a mobilizer? It is the ability to organize a group for action. Now it may sound strange that our proposed method of generating wealth is aimed at the individual (low-income entrepreneur), yet we need the group facilitation skills of a community mobilizer. When we look at this overall all method more carefully, how-ever, it looks less strange. Some essential elements of the whole method involves training individuals, other ele-ments involve organizing groups.
You are already skilled and experienced as a community mobilizer (see "Handbook for Mobilizers") aiming at fighting communal poverty by promoting self help community projects. Now you can add to your tool kit the con-cepts, principles, and methodology of this handbook, and find further use for your mobilizing concepts and skills.
The pyramid you will organize has an umbrella group at the top, five to seven trust groups in the middle, and indi-vidual entrepreneurs at the base. Each individual belongs to a trust group, and everyone belongs to the umbrella group. The individuals play different roles as trainees and participants, at each level of the pyramid. They create the micro-business entrepreneurships that produce the much desired "value-added," and they are the participants and members of the groups that facilitate their businesses.
3.1. Trust Groups:
A trust group is composed of five to seven individuals, usually women, who know and trust each other. As a mobi-lizer, you build several trust groups out of a larger (20-40) community group. You give each participant a paper, and she puts her name on it, then a line, then the names of five others that she can trust to hold her money for her. It is helpful to have one or two assistants doing this. Then, confidentially, you take the slips of paper and group the
participants into groups.
If a participant does not have her name on any list, then she can not join a trust group. She may complain, but you must be firm, that she needs at least four or five other women who trust her before she can belong to a trust group.
As time passes, some individuals may drop out; they lose interest, immigrate, find some paid occupation, or what-ever. The trust group must then decide, by consensus, to take her name off the membership of the group. Con-versely, a person may be, or become, known to a trust group, and wish to opt in. She can join that group so long as the maximum size is seven persons, and if she is unanimously accepted by the others. Although it is not necessary, you could ask each trust group to give itself a name: serious or humorous, as they wish. The choice of name should be by consensus among all members of a trust group. If another group has chosen a particular name, mention it, so as to avoid duplicate names.
Each trust group will choose, unanimously, one of their member to hold their money for them. She does not have to be literate, but must be trusted by the other member. Between meetings, this "Trustee" (or treasurer) holds the money of the whole trust group.
Each trust group should meet, preferably weekly, and each member deposits the same amount of money with the Trustee. One person can have two memberships, and then deposit twice the amount. Each trust group must agree that the weekly payment should be consistent with what the umbrella group chooses (all trust group member are also members of the umbrella group).
As with traditional credit rotation groups, the trust group may go on to do other things in their weekly meetings. That differs from group to group, community to community, country to country.
Your job is to organize five to seven trust groups for each umbrella group.
3.2. Umbrella Group:
Then you mobilize and organize a larger "umbrella" group (composed of all the trust groups) for bulk-breaking capital (banks do not want to make small loans) and for training in the necessary skills of investment, entrepreneur-ship and production. The umbrella group is at the top of the pyramid (that you organize). Every member of every trust group is automatically a member of the umbrella group. No one can be a member of that umbrella group unless they are a participating member of one of the constituent trust groups. As mobilizer you should not be a member of any trust or umbrella group. You organize.
Each umbrella group should have a name chosen by all its members: a slogan of encouragement, good luck, wis-dom, prosperous future or similar positive phrase. Unlike the trust groups, the umbrella group should be a little more structured, perhaps with a standard executive of chair, vice, secretary, treasurer, other functional offices (as deemed needed by the group) and a member or two at large. The executive should have at least one member from each and every trust group.
The umbrella group should meet every three to five weeks, preferably on the same week day at the same time. All members of every trust group should attend. Members of the executive who miss more than two or three (chosen by the group) consecutive meetings, must be replaced with more participatory or active members. The main tasks of the umbrella group are to: (1) take regular deposits or contributions from the trust groups, (2) break a large bank loan into smaller loans that go to the trust groups, and (3) receive the repayments of the loans from the trust groups.
During umbrella group meetings, all such payments should be public, verbally announced, recorded, and as trans-parent as possible. Help each umbrella group to develop an open style of making payments in each direction. One designated member should announce very loudly where each payment comes from, what it is for, and where it is going. Simultaneously, another person (eg treasurer) records each payment in the appropriate place in the appro-priate ledger. Each participant (eg the trustee from a trust group), should get up and bring the money across the floor and count it out for all to see. Make a public ritual of this.
Another responsibility of the umbrella group is to decide upon and set the amount of money and interval for contri-butions by individuals to trust groups.
The umbrella group then becomes the single "legal individual" or party that deals with the bank, opens up a sav-ings account, makes savings deposits, negotiate a loan (amalgamation of all the individual small loans to individu-als, channelled through trust groups), takes out a single large loan, and divides it into proportional medium sized loans for the trust groups to further bulk-break and distribute to their individual members. The trust groups and the umbrella group are composed of the same individuals, and complement each other in roles and functions. Jointly, they form a pyramid that is a vital bridge between the bank (or other lending agency) and the individual entrepre-neurs.
3.3. Training Groups:
Training takes place at all three levels of the pyramid: the umbrella group, the trust groups, and the individual en-trepreneurs. Each level has different kinds of training (topics and methods) for different purposes, while there is some overlap, and a functional relationship between the different levels.
Financial training is needed at all three levels of pyramid, although the specific aspects vary. Be sensitive to the expressed needs of the different groups as you set up your training plan.
Organize your training according to the needs of the pyramid. Do not hold workshops where individuals from out-side the pyramid are present. Keep training groups as small as possible, 8-15 persons. Hire temporary trainers skilled in the various skills needed (See Chapter 4, below): management, planning, credit, communications; mar-keting and production. Train your trainers to use a facilitating approach rather than a lecturing approach. Ensure that training sessions are all conducted in a practical manner, where skills are not taught as theory, but with con-crete examples taken from what the groups and entrepreneurs are doing.
4. Skills Needed for Generating Wealth:
What does an individual need to know, and need to know how to do, in order to create and maintain a successful, profitable, private enterprise? Remember that your target group is low income, usually illiterate or semi-literate, unsophisticated, having little general knowledge about the world, unskilled in any technical skill, un-informed about obtaining credit or managing money, people, things.
Almost anything necessary to run a business can be included in the skills needed.
The kinds of skills needed can be put into several categories:
Management skills: to manage people, physical resources, finance;
Financial skills: keep accurate records, make budgets, calculate profits and losses;
Communication skills: speaking, writing, reading;
Marketing skills; research, sales, entrepreneurship;
Credit skills: borrowing money, dealing with banks or other creditors, interest; and
Technical skills: the applied physics, chemistry, biology, craft and artisan skills of a chosen profitable and productive enterprise.
This chapter identifies some of those needed skills, and directs you, the mobilizer, to ways of imparting those skills to your target group.
4.1. Planning and Management Skills:
The small scale entrepreneur must know how to manage her business. She must know how to mobilize resources (inputs). She must know about people; not staff at first, if she is starting very small, but suppliers, family members, customers, investors, authorities. Skills in human interaction are necessary. For you, as mobilizer, many manage-
ment skills were described in the construction and maintenance of communal facilities and services ("Handbook for Mobilizers"), companion to this handbook. Your challenge now is to convert that management training to this effort.
Management and planning skills include the identification of needs, the generating of goals and objectives, locat-ing of resource, identifying constraints, devising possible strategies, choosing the most effective strategy, and de-termining important details such as budgets, monitoring methods, clarifying roles and tasks, devising work plans, and making changes in response to evaluation.
For an illiterate, small-scale entrepreneur, these need not be very elaborate, sophisticated, or written down, but they must be discussed and considered by her. Your job as a mobilizer is to challenge her to demonstrate that she has considered all these issues and made realistic decisions.
4.2. Credit Skills:
Most people assume that skills are needed in order to work in a bank. What many overlook is that skills are also needed to be a customer of a bank. To a low income person, especially if illiterate and humble, a bank is a very threatening and fearful place. The customs and expected procedures are foreign and incomprehensible.
Your target group (beneficiaries) are people who need to learn about the nature of credit, the institutions that pro-vide credit, and the people in those institutions.
Informal loan sharks may charge up to and over 200% p.a. interest, without that being made explicit to a borrower. Banks loaning at commercial or government rates are far less expensive. Ignorance of skills to obtain credit is a barrier to overcome.
The skills your target group need are the understanding of credit, principle, interest, service charges and all the methods and procedures for borrowing and returning money. As with other skills, the best method of learning about credit is by doing.
4.3. Marketing Skills:
It is useless for a small scale entrepreneur to invest her resources in producing something of value, and then not be able to sell the product. Sales provide the cash for repaying the loan and any other debts, paying herself and others a fair wage, and paying for all the other costs of production before taking a fair profit. Marketing skills include knowing how to find interested customers (including research skills for finding them), and how to present the prod-uct in a manner attractive to buyers.
No matter how enthusiastic and optimistic an entrepreneur may be, her business will not be viable if she can not sell her product. Your job as mobilizer is to challenge her to demonstrate that she has a realistic marketing plan and strategy. See Marketing.
4.4. Financial and Accounting Skills:
Unless your target group participants can always know their financial position, and calculate their income and costs, they can get into serious financial trouble. The range of accounting and budgeting tasks needed is dependent upon the size and complexity of the enterprise.
The most essential skill (and habit to be encouraged) is in keeping a daily accounts ledger, no matter what the size of business. The first training in accounting, therefore, should be in keeping financial records. As with as it other training in capacity development, avoid lecturing, preaching, pontificating or dictatorial styles of presenting the material. See "Handbook for Mobilizers." Learning for capacity development should be by facilitation.
If you organize a workshop, keep it small. Limit the number of participants to a maximum of ten. Every participant should have a business planned, and, during the workshop, prepare financial documents specific to their planned or
ongoing enterprise. These should start with recording (eg ledger) exercises, and go on to reporting (eg financial statements) exercises.
4.5. Technical Skills:
While you will not dictate to your target group participants as to what sector they choose, your advice to them is to guide them towards initial processing of agricultural products. For them to run a successful business, then, they must know a sufficient amount about the processing; technical knowledge.
Small scale enterprises in the following sectors should be encouraged: off-farm agro-processing (milling, baking, fish-smoking); artisans (farm equipment repair and fabrication; brick-making, weaving, construction, tailoring, carpentry), food preparation and petty trade or marketing. While the needed skills can be identified, how you go about transferring those skills to your target group must be appropriate.
Avoid classroom lectures, with a lecturer droning on about the processing. Seek creative innovative, unorthodox and relevant methods of training.
Emphasise practical activities (we learn best by doing). Visit operating processes and enterprises, different kinds and sizes; talk to owners and workers. Bring trainers in with practical, experience, but do not let them lecture; let them facilitate and demonstrate (teach facilitating methods to your trainers), where participants can get hands-on experience.
4.6. Training Methods:
Unlike "training as mobilization," or in mobilizing communities to solve communal problems (Handbook for Mo-bilizers), training in this chapter emphasises skill transfer. Nevertheless, it is not orthodox and institutional train-ing. The central method is on-the-job training, and that means every participant (trainee) must be a full participant in creating and running her own enterprise.
Avoid inviting any non-participants, except trainers to any of your workshops. Run small, half-day workshops at the locations of each of your participants, using their enterprise sites as the venue and example of the training.
Prepare a flexible, rotating, participant-sensitive training plan. The major topics of your training should be as above: planning, management skills, skills in obtaining and using credit, marketing skills, financial and accounting skills, and technical (production) skills. Modify the plan according to your monitoring of the needs and weaknesses of your participants. Obtain experienced specialists in each topic, but ensure they take a facilitating and participa-tory approach (you teach the trainers in those techniques), and ensure that the participants all get hands on, super-vised experience that is relevant and valid to their chosen enterprises.
5. Running a Successful Enterprise:
This chapter reviews some of the factors of or reasons for success and failure in running a productive enterprise. Remember that this handbook is intended for you, the mobilizer, who wants to fight the causes of poverty as a so-cial problem. Keep these factors in mind while giving encouragement, training, advice and support to participants who want to generate wealth.
The success of a venture can first be measured by its viability. Can it survive? Is it sustainable or will it crash when outside support is withdrawn. Financially, viability means that the enterprise is profitable. That means, over time, that the income for the business is more than the expenses. The level of profit must be high enough that the entre-preneur will not decide some other activity is more worth while.
Two important characteristics that contribute to viability and profit are integrity and good will. Integrity means the business is run in an honest and honourable manner. If not, ultimately it will fail. Good will is a special concept in business; it means the total of all the non-materiel assets of a business: its reputation (ie for quality service, for honesty, for dependability), its popularity, its good name (how well it is known to customers and suppliers), how
much credit it can attract, and how good an "image" it has in the public eye. A third characteristic is to be practical, had nosed and tough, not being cheated or misled.
These three contribute to viability, and your job as mobilizer is to get that simple but important message to your target group.
5.1. Viability:
The most important feature of a business that you help to set up is that is successful. It must be able to survive. If it can survive, it is considered "viable." Viability requires several things, but the foremost feature is that it makes a profit.
What is profit? After you add up all the costs of production (land, rent, labour, wages, capital, including cost of credit) and you subtract them from all the income (eg from sales, rentals, fees), and if it is a positive number, it is the amount of profit. If it is a negative number, it is the amount of loss.
A business can incur some loss, for some time, but, in the long run, must have profit to survive.
You, as mobilizer, want to do two apparently contradictory things: (1) encourage low income persons to create and run a business (be optimistic) but also (2) encourage caution to avoid too much enthusiasm (be realistic) for start-ing a business that might fail. As in any development work, start small, begin modestly, and win success; that will encourage others to join in. If you start big and have a failure, it will be more difficult to get other to join in. As the cliché goes, "success breeds success."
The key to resolving the paradox or apparent contradiction between optimism and realism is how you go about your mobilizing. You encourage your target participants to each start a business, but only a viable business. While you mention this from the start, you do not leave it to an introductory sermon. Throughout the organizing process you challenge your participants to plan for viability.
Practical examples of this planning are included in some of the appendices. Copy the forms and instructions for handing out in workshops, and require that participants each produce a realistic work plan to make a viable enter-prise. Remember, workshops are not merely conferences; participants must be prepared to work at workshops and their outputs should be the production of realistic work plans for starting and maintaining viable enterprises.
Again, learning by doing, not just listening to speeches, harangues, lectures or sermons.
5.2. Integrity:
Think back to the big five of the many factors of poverty. Here is when you have an important role in the attack against causes of poverty. Dishonesty is one of the big five. Beware! Do not be a preacher to make sermons against dishonesty. That is for our religious leaders; moralising. No. In a calm, informed, and confident manner, you ex-plain that business survival depends upon viability, variability requires profit, a profitable business must have in-tegrity.
If a business person cheats her customers, they will not want to return, and sales drop. If she cheats her supplier, they will try to take their resources elsewhere. If she short charges her staff, the motivated and competent ones will leave, and only the incompetent and corrupt ones will stay, bringing the business down with a crash.
Remember, your job is to fight dishonesty, a major factor of the social problem of poverty, not by preaching against it, but by helping low income persons set up viable micro enterprises, which require integrity to survive. Incorporate the above logical reasoning into all levels of your organizing and training of the pyramid and the indi-vidual businesses.
5.3. Good Will:
The concept, "good will" sounds like what we call a "warm fuzzy" (ie that it sounds attractive but is not very prac-tical). In the jargon of business, however, "good will" is a concrete characteristic of any business. It is composed of all the non material assets of the enterprise. It includes its reputation, and number of customers and suppliers, how well it is known. It includes values other people make about its honesty and integrity; will people trust the business or fear to get cheated by it? In big companies such as Coca Cola, Pepsi, Nile Lager, Sportsman, it includes the mu-sical jingles that race around in our heads. It includes the degree to which the motto of a business is familiar to people.
All of these intangibles contribute to the value of an enterprise, and are assets.
How does this relate to your training and organizing? You ensure that your target group participants recognise that good will is a valid and important factor of business success, and it is consciously included in the training for run-ning a viable enterprise.
Staff loyalty (as well as customer loyalty, and supplier loyalty) is important. An entrepreneur can plant the seeds of loyalty, and help it grow, on a daily basis, by genuine friendly concern for others. Be interested in them as total persons, not just factors of production. Speak to them respectfully and positively. Avoid criticism, but give positive and encouraging hints about how to improve performance. Recognise achievements often and before witnesses. Greet every one every day on arrival at the work site. Do not act haughty and superior to those with menial tasks and low wages.
Treat everybody with friendly respect. This is most important the message of your training.
Many small or new restaurants lose customers and go bankrupt, not because their food is bad, but because their good will is bad. Sometimes this is blamed on inadequate staff training. A restaurant entrepreneur should ensure that staff are informed that their job description includes the building of good will of the business. This is espe-cially true in any enterprise in the service industry. Staff should be reminded that customers pay their salaries, and should be all treated as respected bosses.
A table attendant may be very obsequious to her boss, but be rude to customers when the boss is absent. When an item is not available, for example, an untrained table attendant will just say "not available." An attendant that un-derstands good will, in contrast, will say please they are sorry that it is not available, and then offer one or two al-ternatives in a positive and pleasant manner. If staff are loyal to the boss (because of her good will) and she shows them that she wants their customers to be treated with friendly respect, the business will flourish as customers rec-ommend it to others, and its good will increases.
5.4. Sound planning and Management:
While you are demonstrating and encouraging micro entrepreneurs to be pleasant, respectable and friendly, as above, you also show them how to be careful, cautious and thorough in running their business. Being friendly does not mean to allow suppliers, staff or customers to take advantage of you, or cheat you.
First this means having practical, viable, and well organized detailed plan and budget. Second this means sticking to it, or having good reasons to divert from it. Third this means good monitoring: watch the production and finan-cial changes, in detail, daily. Always know what is going on. Fourth, when things go off track, take decisions , and act quickly, to get things on track again before they get worse.
As a mobilizer, your task is to impress upon your target group that they should not abandon their business. Staff and family members should not be expected to have the same motivation and desire as the entrepreneur to make the business a success. Delegate responsibility whenever possible, especially as the business grows, but monitor daily and show your interest in what is happening.
Concern pays dividends.
Illustrations:
In the printed version of this hand book, there are several illustrations of the process of forming and training groups for generating wealth. They consist of black and white line drawings by Julianna Kuruhiira, of the Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development of the Government of Uganda. Here they are collected in a separate file. If you are preparing a local handbook based on this one, and wish to use the illustrations, they can be downloaded from this site. To load the illustrations file, just click on this: Wealth Generation Illustrations and instructions for downloading and saving all or any of the illustrations will appear with the file.
―»«―
Most of the material in this handbook can be found as web pages in three modules: Principles of Income Genera-tion, Micro Enterprise Training and Building a Credit Organization for Small enterprise. See: http://www.scn.org/cmp/modules/a-mod.htm
If you copy any part of this, please link it back to: http://www.scn.org/cmp/
Updated: 2003 July 3
ISBN: 92-1-1314 03-8 - UN: HS/544/98

Friday, October 24, 2008

Khmer Folktale

To Sell A Donkey(Cambodia)


Long ago, there was a man named Khek who with his son raised a donkey's calf. When the calf grew up, it became a handsome and plump donkey with brown and smooth hair. On seeing the fine grown-up donkey, the man said to his son, "Now our donkey has become fat and nice. If we sell it now, we can get a good price for it. But in our village there is no one who needs a donkey, and the village where someone needs one is very far from here. If we make the donkey walk to that far away village, it may get thin by fatigue, and its price will go down. How can we get a good price for it?" Finally, the man and his son decided what to do. They caught the donkey, fastened each pair of its feet tightly together, passed a pole between the pairs of feet, and shouldered its two ends. Thus they began to carry it to the far away village where they hoped to get a good price. While going on their way, they were seen by villagers who were much amused to see such a sight. They burst into laughter and said, "Hey, what a strange thing! Two men carrying a donkey!" They chided the man: "Old man, do not do so. The horse, the ox, the elephant and the donkey have never been carried by men. It is they which have to carry men on their backs." On hearing this, the father and the son took down the donkey and untied it. The father then said to the son, "We cannot ride all at once, for our donkey is not strong enough to carry both of us. So, ride alone on it and I will follow you." And so the young man did. As they were passing through another village, the young man was asked, "Where are you riding, boy?" "I ride to a village called Kompang," answered the young man. And pointing to the old man, they asked, "Who is this old man behind you?" "He is my father," the young man replied. On hearing this, the villagers became angry and said, "What an ungrateful son you are! You are strong enough to walk while your old father is not so. You had better get down at once and let your old father ride the donkey." On hearing this sharp remark, the young man at once got down from the donkey and the old man took his place. Then they continued their journey. The young man walked behind the donkey carrying his father. After some time, they came near a well at the end of a certain village. Around this well there was a throng of young women who came to draw water from there. Some were noisily pouring water on their body for a bath. Looking at the handsome young man walking slowly behind the donkey, they felt a great sympathy for him. They envied the old man who was riding so comfortably on the donkey while the young man walked behind him with much hardship. The young women approached the donkey and said roughly to the old man, "This young donkey is fat and pretty; it is worthy of the young man who is in the same happy state; an old man like you is not fit to ride on it!" When the old man and his son heard such unkind words, they discussed the matter. "We will both ride together on the donkey, you in front and I behind you," decided the old man. And sitting like that, they continued the journey. After crossing some distance, they reached a customhouse. They were then seen by the officer of the customhouse, who asked, "Where are you going, men?" "We are going to the village of Kompang," they answered. And the officer scolded them: "Your donkey is not strong and old enough to carry both of you. If you keep on riding along as far as the village of Kompang, it will become thin and its price will go down. How foolish you are! Why don't you let it walk?" Again, they got off the donkey and led it by means of a rope. When they arrived at a field, there was no road for them to go any further. So they began to cross it to find another way. The owner of the field who was working there cried out from a distance, "Walk carefully, old man! My field is full of thorns for it is not yet cleaned up. But you have a donkey, why don't you ride it to avoid the thorns? Why do you treat it as your ruler? How foolish you are!" The father and son looked at each other. "We cannot be in agreement with all people. Whatever we do, we get a scolding from someone." At last they agreed: "We will just have to travel as we see fit, and put up with the blame as it comes." They went on and finally reached the village of Kompang. There, they sold their donkey for a very good price and returned home without further loss of time.

Sunday, October 19, 2008

Cambodian Temples

SIEM REAP PROVINCE, CAMBODIA

Siem Reap, is a province located in northwestern Cambodia, on the shores of the Tonle Sap lake. The provincial capital is Siem Reap. The name literally means Siamese defeated referring to the victory of the Khmer Empire over the army of the Thai kingdom of Ayutthaya in the 17th Century. Today it is most widely known for being the closest city to the ruins of the temples of Angkor.

Overview
Located in northwest Cambodia, Siem Reap is the major tourist hub in Cambodia, as it is the closest city to the temples of Angkor. The most recognizable of the temples, Angkor Wat, literally Capital Temple, built by King Suryavarman II during the early 12th century provides the largest tourist draw. Recently the city has seen a great deal of expansion; hundreds of hotels, restaurants and shops, catering to both international and Cambodian tourists have opened to serve the influx of visitors. Also, King Norodom Sihamoni and the Cambodian royal family maintain a residence in the town. The Angkor temple complex is north of the city.
Other sites of interest near Siem Reap include Angkor Thom built by Jayavarman VII, Banteay Srei, Ta Prohm, as well as hundreds of other temple ruins. Angkor, and the surrounding area that would later become known as Siem Reap, faced repeated invasions from the Thais, and ceased to be the capital after a seven-month siege in 1431. The capital was moved to Phnom Penh in 1432, and then to Lovek and Oudong, before moving back to Phnom Penh in 1866. The temple ruins were visited by Western explorers and missionaries before the 19th century, but Henri Mouhot is generally seen as having "discovered" Angkor Wat in 1860.
Downtown Siem Reap's abundant French colonial architecture.Siem Reap City is the capital of Siem Reap Province, Cambodia.Siem Reap has colonial and Chinese-style architecture in the Old French Quarter, and around the Old Market. In town, there are Apsara dance performances, craft shops, silk farms, rice-paddy countryside, fishing villages and a bird sanctuary near the Tonle Sap Lake.

Siem Reap today, being a popular tourist destination, has a large number of hotels and restaurants. Most smaller establishments are concentrated around the Old Market area, while more expensive hotels are located between Siem Reap-Angkor International Airport and the town along National Road 6. There are a variety of mid-range hotels and restaurants along Sivatha, and budget to mid-range hotels in the Phsar Leu area.

History
Siem Reap wood carving
The name Siem Reap means the 'Defeat of Siam' —today’s Thailand —and refers to a centuries-old bloodbath, commemorated in stone in the celebrated bas relief carvings of the monuments. There is controversy over the name, as in a -very- slightly different pronunciation in Thai (Sayam Raap), the name means the "plains of Siam".
In 1901 the École Française d'Extrême Orient (EFEO) began a long association with Angkor by funding an expedition to the Bayon. In 1907 Angkor, which had been under Thai control, was returned to Cambodia and the EFEO took responsibility for clearing and restoring the whole site. In the same year, the first tourists arrived in Angkor - an unprecedented 200 of them in three months. Angkor had been 'rescued' from the jungle and was assuming its place in the modern world.
Siem Reap was little more than a village when the first French explorers re-discovered Angkor in the 19th century. With the return of Angkor to Cambodian, or should that be French control in 1907, Siem Reap began to grow, absorbing the first wave of tourists. The Grand Hotel d'Angkor opened its doors in 1929 and the temples of Angkor remained one of Asia's leading draws until the late 1960s, luring visitors like Charlie Chaplin and Jackie Kennedy. In 1975, Siem Reap, along with the rest of the cities and towns in Cambodia, its population was evacuated by the communist Khmer Rouge and driven into the countryside.

Traffic in downtown Siem Reap

As with the rest of the country, Siem Reap's history (and the memories of its people) is coloured by spectre of the brutal Khmer Rouge Regime, though since Pol Pot's death in 1998, relative stability and a rejuvenated tourist industry have been important steps in an important, if tentative, journey forward to recovery. With the advent of war, Siem Reap entered a long slumber from which it only began to awake in the mid-1990s.
Today, Siem Reap is undoubtedly Cambodia's fastest growing city and serves as a small charming gateway town to the world famous heritage of the Angkor temples. Thanks to those attractions, Siem Reap has transformed itself into a major tourist hub. Siem Reap nowadays is a vibrant town with modern hotels and architectures. Despite international influences, Siem Reap and its people have conserved much of the town's image, culture and traditions.
The Wat and the river
The town is a cluster of small villages along the Siem Reap River. These villages were originally developed around Buddhist pagodas (Wat) which are almost evenly spaced along the river from Wat Preah En Kau Sei in the north to Wat Phnom Krom in the south, where the Siem Reap River meets the great Tonle Sap Lake.The main town is concentrated around Sivutha Street and the Psar Chas area (Old Market area) where there are old colonial buildings, shopping and commercial districts. The Wat Bo area is now full of guesthouses and restaurants while the Psar Leu area is often crowded with jewellery and handicraft shops, selling from ruby to woodcarving. Other fast developing areas are the airport road and main road to Angkor where a number of large hotels and resorts can be found.

Tourism
Businesses centered around tourism have flourished thanks to the tourism boom. There are a wide range of hotels, ranging from several 5-star hotels and chic resorts to hundreds of budget guesthouses. A large selection of restaurants offer many kinds of food, including Italian, Indian, French, German, Russian, Thai, Korean, Japanese, and Burmese. Plenty of shopping opportunities exist around the Psar Chas area while the nightlife is often vibrant with a number of western-styled pubs and bars.
Siem Reap-Angkor International Airport in Siem Reap now serves the most tourist passengers to Cambodia. Most tourists come to Siem Reap to visit the Angkor Wat, Angkor Thom, (about 6Km north of the city), and other Angkor ruins. While those are still the main attractions, there are plenty of other things to experience, such as a dinner with an Apsara Dance performance, a trip to fishing villages and bird sanctuary, a visit to a craft workshop and silk farm, or a bicycle tour around the rice paddies in the countryside.
Angkor Wat
Angkor Wat (Angkor temple) is the central feature of the Angkor UNESCO World Heritage Site containing the magnificent remains of the Khmer civilization. Angkor Wat's rising series of five towers culminates in an impressive central tower that symbolizes mythical Mount Meru. Thousands of feet of wall space are covered with intricate carving depicting scenes from Hindu mythology.
Angkor (UNESCO World Heritage Site)
State Party
Cambodia
Type
Cultural
Criteria
i, ii, iii, iv
Reference
668
Region**
Asia-Pacific
Inscription history
Inscription
1992 (16th Session)
Endangered
1992-2004
* Name as inscribed on World Heritage List.** Region as classified by UNESCO.
Angkor is a name conventionally applied to the region of Cambodia serving as the seat of the Khmer empire that flourished from approximately the 9th century to the 15th century A.D. (The word "Angkor" itself is derived from the Sanskrit "nagara," meaning "city.")[1] More precisely, the Angkorian period may be defined as the period from 802 A.D., when the Khmer Hindu monarch Jayavarman II declared himself the "universal monarch" and "god-king" of Cambodia, until 1431 A.D., when Thai invaders sacked the Khmer capital, causing its population to migrate south to the area of Phnom Penh.
The ruins of Angkor are located amid forests and farmland to the north of the Great Lake (Tonle Sap) and south of the Kulen Hills, near modern day Siem Reap (13°24'N, 103°51'E), and are a UNESCO World Heritage Site. The temples of the Angkor area number over one thousand, ranging in scale from nondescript piles of brick rubble scattered through rice fields to the magnificent Angkor Wat, said to be the world's largest single religious monument. Many of the temples at Angkor have been restored, and together they comprise the most significant site of Khmer architecture. Visitor numbers approach two million annually.
In 2007 an international team of researchers using satellite photographs and other modern techniques concluded that Angkor had been the largest pre-industrial city in the world with an urban sprawl of 400 square miles. The closest rival to Angkor, the Mayan city of Tikal in Guatemala, was roughly 50 square miles in total size.
Construction of Angkor Wat
The principal temple of the Angkorian region, Angkor Wat, was built between 1113 and 1150 by King Suryavarman II. Suryavarman ascended to the throne after prevailing in a battle with a rival prince. An inscription says that in the course of combat, Suryavarman lept onto his rival's war elephant and killed him, just as the mythical bird-man Garuda slays a serpent.
After consolidating his political position through military campaigns, diplomacy, and a firm domestic administration, Suryavarman launched into the construction of Angkor Wat as his personal temple mausoleum. Breaking with the tradition of the Khmer kings, and influenced perhaps by the concurrent rise of Vaisnavism in India, he dedicated the temple to Vishnu rather than to Siva. With walls nearly one-half mile long on each side, Angkor Wat grandly portrays the Hindu cosmology, with the central towers representing Mount Meru, home of the gods; the outer walls, the mountains enclosing the world; and the moat, the oceans beyond. The traditional theme of identifying the Cambodian devaraja with the gods, and his residence with that of the celestials, is very much in evidence. The measurements themselves of the temple and its parts in relation to one another have cosmological significance.[11] Suryavarman had the walls of the temple decorated with bas reliefs depicting not only scenes from mythology, but also from the life of his own imperial court. In one of the scenes, the king himself is portrayed as larger in size than his subjects, sitting cross legged on an elevated throne and holding court, while a bevy of attendants make him comfortable with the aid of parasols and fans.
Angkor Wat is visually, architecturally and artistically breathtaking. It is a massive three-tiered pyramid crowned by five lotus-like towers rising 65 meters from ground level. Angkor Wat is the centerpiece of any visit to the temples of Angkor. At the apex of Khmer political and military dominance in the region, Suryavarman II constructed Angkor Wat in the form of a massive 'temple-mountain' dedicated to the Hindu god, Vishnu. It served as his state temple, though the temple’s uncommon westward orientation has led some to suggest that it was constructed as Suryavarman II’s funerary temple.

Other temples of the same style and period include Thommanon, Banteay Samre, Wat Atwea and Beng Melea, which may have served as a prototype to Angkor Wat.Angkor Wat is surrounded by a moat and an exterior wall measuring 1300 meters x 1500 meters. The temple itself is 1 km square and consists of three levels surmounted by a central tower. The walls of the temple are covered inside and out with bas-reliefs and carvings. Nearly 2000 distinctively rendered apsara carvings adorn the walls throughout the temple and represent some of the finest examples of apsara carvings in Angkorian era art. But it is the exterior walls of the lower level that display the most extraordinary bas-reliefs, depicting stories and characters from Hindu mythology and the historical wars of Suryavarman II. It is in the viewing of the bas-reliefs that a tour guide can be very helpful. The northern reflecting pool in front is the most popular sunrise location.

For sunrise, arrive very early, well before sunrise begins. The sun will rise behind Angkor Wat providing a silhouette of Angkor’s distinctively shaped towers against a colored sunrise sky. Some of the best colors appear just before the sun breaks over the horizon. The visual impact of Angkor Wat, particularly on one's first visit, is awesome. As you pass through the outer gate and get your first glimpse, its size and architecture make it appear two dimensional, like a giant postcard photo against the sky.

After you cross through the gate and approach the temple along the walkway it slowly gains depth and complexity. To maximize this effect you should make your first visit in optimal lighting conditions, i.e. after 2:00PM. Do not make your first visit to Angkor Wat in the morning when the backlighting obscures the view. The first level of is the most artistically interesting. Most visitors begin their exploration with the bas-reliefs that cover the exterior wall of the first level, following the bas-reliefs counterclockwise around the temple. Bas-relief highlights include the mythological Battle of Kuru on the west wall; the historical march of the army of Suryavarman II, builder of Angkor Wat, against the Cham, followed by scenes from Heaven and Hell on the south wall; and the classic ‘Churning of the Ocean Milk’ on the eastwall.The temple interior is not as densely carved as the first level exterior, but still sports hundreds of fine carvings of apsaras and scenes from Hindu mythology. A guide can be quite helpful in explaining the stories of the various chambers, statues and architectural forms to be found in the interior. At the upper-most of your tour of the temple, the central tower on the third level houses four Buddha images, each facing a different cardinal point, highlighting the fact that though Angkor Wat was constructed as a Hindu temple, it has served as a Buddhist temple since Buddhism became Cambodia’s dominant religion in the 14th century. Some say that it is good luck to pay homage to all four Buddha images before departing Angkor.

Prasat Ak Yom
The historically important ruins of a small brick and sandstone temple in very poor condition. The earliest elements date from the pre-Angkorian 8th century. Inscriptions indicate that a temple dedicated to the Hindu ‘god of the depths’ was previously located on the same spot. Ak Yom is the earliest known example of the 'temple-mountain' architectural design formula, which was to become a primary design formula for many of the Angkorian period temples including Angkor Wat.
Angkor Thom
Angkor Thom (Big Angkor) is a 3km2 walled and moated royal city and was the last capital of the Angkorian empire. After Jayavarman VII recaptured the Angkorian capital from the Cham invaders in 1181, he began a massive building campaign across the empire, constructing Angkor Thom as his new capital city. He began with existing structures such as Baphuon and Phimeanakas and built a grand enclosed city around them, adding the outer wall/moat and some of Angkor's greatest temples including his state-temple, Bayon, set at the center of the city. There are five entrances (gates) to the city, one for each cardinal point, and the victory gate leading to the Royal Palace area. Each gate is crowned with 4 giant faces. The South Gate is often the first stop on a tour.

Bayon

If you see only two temples, Angkor Wat and Bayon should be the ones. The giant stone faces of Bayon have become one of the most recognizable images connected to classic Khmer art and architecture. There are 37 standing towers, most but not all sporting four carved faces oriented toward the cardinal points. Who the faces represent is a matter of debate but they may be Loksvara, Mahayana Buddhism's compassionate Bodhisattva, or perhaps a combination of Buddha and Jayavarman VII. Bayon was the Jayavarman VII's state-temple and in many ways represents the pinnacle of his massive building campaign. It appears to be, and is to some degree, an architectural muddle, in part because it was constructed in a somewhat piecemeal fashion for over a century. The best of Bayon are the bas-reliefs on the exterior walls of the lower level and on the upper level where the stone faces reside. The bas-reliefs on the southern wall contain real-life scenes from the historical sea battle between the Khmer and the Cham. It is not clear whether this represents the Cham invasion of 1177AD or a later battle in which the Khmer were victorious. Even more interesting are extensive carvings of unique and revealing scenes of everyday life that are interspersed among the battle scenes, including market scenes, cockfighting, chess games and childbirth. Also note the unfinished carvings on other walls, likely indicating the death of Jayavarman VII and the subsequent end of his building campaign. Some of the reliefs on the inner walls were carved at a later date under the Hindu king Jayavarman VIII. The surrounding tall jungle makes Bayon a bit dark and flat for photographs near sunrise and sunset.


Banteay Srey
Banteay Srey loosely translates to ‘citadel of the women,’ but this is a modern appellation that probably refers to the delicate beauty of the carvings. Built at a time when the Khmer Empire was gaining significant power and territory, the temple was constructed by a Brahmin counselor under a powerful king, Rajendravarman and later under Jayavarman V. Banteay Srey displays some of the finest examples of classical Khmer art. The walls are densely covered with some of the most beautiful, deep and intricate carvings of any Angkorian temple. The temple's relatively small size, pink sandstone construction and ornate design give it a fairyland ambiance. The colors are best before 10:30 AM and after 2:00 PM, but there are fewer tourists in the afternoon. This temple was discovered by French archaeologists relatively late, in 1914. The temple area closes at 5:00 PM. Banteay Srey lies 38 km from Siem Reap, requiring extra travel time. Drivers usually charge a fee in addition to their normal daily charge for the trip. Banteay Srey is well worth the extra effort. Combine a visit to Banteay Srey with Banteay Samre.

Baksei Chamkrong

A towering 12-meter tall brick and laterite step-pyramid. Harshavarman I began construction or perhaps dedicated statues at the site in the early 10th century. It was later improved/restored by Rajendravarman II shortly after the capital was returned to Angkor from Koh Ker. According to inscriptions on the doorway, Rajendravarman II consecrated the temple with the installation of a golden Shiva image in 947AD. It may have also served as a funerary temple. Combine with a visit to the South Gate in the morning or Phnom Bakheng in the evening. Lighting is best in the morning.
Chau Say Thevoda
Chau Say Tevoda is a small temple of similar design and floor plan to that of Thommanon located across the street (except for additional gopuras and library), but for years appeared as Thommanon’s neglected sister, languishing in significantly worse condition than Thommanon, which had been restored back in the 1960s. Chau Say Tevoda is now undergoing an extensive restoration project, for the moment allowing the visitor a close up look at the restoration process.
The small section of the temple pictured to the left is currently in the process of being reconstructed. Chau Say Tevoda seems to stand in partnership with Thommanon, but in fact was built much later in Suryavarman II’s rule. Chau Say Tevoda displays some well-executed carvings that are in still fair condition, especially those on the eastern gopura. Though most carvings are Hindu-themed, there are also some Buddhist-themed reliefs. The eastern walkway from the temple leads to the Siem Reap River a few hundred meters away.
Prasat Thommanon
Small, attractive temple in very good condition, built at the same time as Angkor Wat. The Angkor Wat style is most easily seen in the style of the towers and carved devatas. Thommanon seems to stand in conjunction with Chau Say Tevoda across the street, but was built decades earlier. Thommanon is currently in much better condition than Chau Say Tevoda, in part because archaeologists heavily restored it in the 1960's. But even before restoration, Thommanon was in better shape than Chau Say Tevoda due in part to the lack of the stone-enclosed wood beams in Thommanon’s super-structure that were used in Chau Say Tevoda’s construction. Many of Thommanon’s carvings are in excellent condition. The colors of the age stained sandstone against the jungle are very photogenic, particularly in the wet season.

Bakong (in the Roluos Group)
Roluos Group: The most impressive member of the Roluos Group, sitting at the center of the first Angkorian capital, Hariharalaya. Bakong stands 15 meters tall and is 650x850m at the outer wall. Constructed by the third Angkorian-era king as his state-temple, Bakong represents the first application of the temple-mountain architectural formula on a grand scale and set the architectural tone for the next 400 years. The temple displays a very early use of stone rather than brick. Though begun by Indravarman I, Bakong received additions and was expanded by later kings. The uppermost section and tower may have been added as late as the 12th century AD. Some of the lintel carvings, particularly on the outer towers, are in very good shape. Picturesque moat and vegetation surround Bakong.


Phnom Bakheng
The construction of this temple mountain on Phnom Bakheng (Bakheng Hill), the first major temple to be constructed in the Angkor area, marked the move of the capital of the Khmer empire from Roluos to Angkor in the late 9th century AD. It served as King Yasovarman I's state-temple at the center of his new capital city Yasodharapura.
The foundation of Bakheng is carved from the existing rock edifice rather than the laterite and earthfill of most other temples. Bakheng's hilltop location makes it the most popular sunset location in the area, offering a view of the Tonle Sap Lake and a distant Angkor Wat in the jungle. (A good photo of Angkor Wat in the distance requires at least a 400mm lens.) The temple is usually overcrowded at sunset, sometimes even completely overrun by tourists. Due to overuse and damage, the main stairway up the mountain has been closed and an alternate path to the top has been opened. Elephant rides up and down the hill are also available from about 4:00PM till sunset. $15/person up the mountain. $10 per person down the mountain.
Srah Srang
Picturesque baray opposite the east entrance of Banteay Kdei. Originally constructed by the same architect that built Pre Rup. Remodeled in the 12th century as part of Jayavarman VII's massive building campaign. A multi-tiered landing platform on the west edge of the baray is adorned with naga balustrades and guardian lions. The very sparse remains of an island temple can be seen poking out of the middle of the lake during the dry season when the water is low. Srah Srang offers a pleasant, much less touristed sunrise alternative to Angkor Wat.
Tep Pranam
A long walkway with a Buddha figure at the far end. Tep Pranam was originally a Buddhist shrine in the 9th century under Yasovarman I, the king that moved the capital to Angkor.

It was expanded over the years with 12th century balustrades, 13th century lions and significant post-Angkorian modifications and additions. The Buddha statue at the western end is made from reused material. It is unclear how long that particular Buddha has been there.

Ta Prohm
Of similar design to the later Jayavarman VII temples of Preah Khan and Banteay Kdei, this quiet, sprawling monastic complex is only partially cleared of jungle overgrowth. Intentionally left partially unrestored, massive fig and silk-cotton trees grow from the towers and corridors offering some of the best ‘tree-in-temple’ photo opportunities at Angkor.
Flocks of noisy parrots flit from tree to tree adding to the jungle atmosphere. Ta Prohm is well worth an extended exploration of its dark corridors and open plazas. This temple was one of Jayavarman VII's first major temple projects. Ta Prohm was dedicated to his mother. (Preah Khan, built shortly after Ta Prohm in the same general style, was dedicated to Jayavarman VII’s father.)
yyTa Prohm was originally constructed as a Buddhist monastery and was enormously wealthy in its time, boasting of control over 3000 villages, thousands of support staff and vast stores of jewels and gold. Of the monastic complex style temples, Ta Prohm is a superior example and should be included in almost any temple itinerary.
Ta Keo
Towering but plainly decorated temple-mountain dedicated to Shiva. Known in its time as ‘the mountain with golden peaks.’ The first to be constructed wholly of sandstone, this temple employing huge sandstone blocks.
Constructed under three kings, begun by Jayavarman V as his state-temple and continued under Jayaviravarman and Suryavarman I. When Jayavarman V first constructed Ta Keo, he part ways with previous kings, constructing his state temple outside of his main capital area. Construction on Ta Keo seems to have stopped particularly early in the decoration phase as evidenced by the lack of carvings. Ta Keo is well worth a visit, but if you are pressed for time, see Pre Rup instead.

Pre Rup
Architecturally and artistically superior temple-mountain beautifully carved false doors on upper level, as well as an excellent view of the surrounding countryside. Richly detailed, well-preserved carvings.
Traditionally believed to be a funerary temple, but in fact the state temple of Rajendravarman II. Historically important in that it was the second temple built after the capital was returned to Angkor from Koh Ker after a period of political upheaval. The artistically similar East Mebon was the first to be constructed after the return to Angkor, less than a decade earlier.
Preah Khan
Preah Khan is a huge, highly explorable monastic complex. Full of carvings, passages and photo opportunities. It originally served as a Buddhist monastery and school, engaging over 1000 monks. For a short period it was also the residence of King Jayavarman VII during the reconstruction of his permanent home in Angkor Thom. Preah Khan means 'sacred sword.’ In harmony with the architecturally similar Ta Prohm, which was dedicated to Jayavarman VII's mother, Preah Khan is dedicated to his father.
Features of note: like most of Jayavarman VII's monuments, the Buddha images were vandalized in the later Hindu resurgence. Some Buddha carvings in the central corridor have been crudely carved over with Bodhisattvas, and in a couple of odd cases, a lotus flower and a linga. Also note the cylindrical columns on the building west of the main temple. It is one of the only examples of round columns and may be from a later period.
Terrace of the Elephants
Terrace of the Elephants is an impressive, two and a half-meter tall, 300 meter long terrace wall adorned with carved elephants and garudas that spans the heart of Angkor Thom in front of Baphuon, Phimeanakas and the Royal Palace area.
The northern section of the wall displays some particularly fine sculpture including the five headed horse and scenes of warriors and dancers. Constructed in part by Jayavarman VII and extended by his successor. The wall faces east so the best lighting for photography before noon. The Terrace of the Leper King is at the north end of the Terrace of the Elephants.
Ta Som
Small, classic Bayon-style monastic complex consisting of a relatively flat enclosure, face tower gopuras and cruciform interior sanctuaries much like a miniature version of Ta Prohm. Many of the carvings are in good condition and display particularly fine execution for late 12th century works.
Take note of the devata carvings which show an uncommon individuality. A huge tree grows from the top of the eastern gopura. It is destroying the gate but it is a photo classic. Best photographed in the afternoon. Ta Som is the most distant temple on the Grand Circuit.
Prasat Prei
It’s a small, untouristed temple ruins in a forest setting near Neak Pean. Remains of a gopura , the central tower and halls, and the vestiges of a library and surrounding wall. Some apsara and lintel carvings. A quiet, peaceful location.

Neak Pean
A small island temple located in the middle of the last baray (the Preah Khan Baray or Jayatataka) to be constructed by a Khmer king in the Angkor area. The central temple sits at the axis of a cross or lotus pattern of eight pools. Originally known as Rajasri, Neak Pean took its modern appellation, which means ‘coiled serpents,’ from the encoiled nagas that encircled the temple. The temple is faced by a statue of the horse, Balaha, saving drowning sailors.
Though originally dedicated to Buddha, Neak Pean contains several Hindu images. Neak Pean may have served an absolution function, and the waters were thought to have healing properties. During the dry season when the water is low, check out the animal and human headwater spouts at the outside center of each pool. Neak Pean is most photogenic in the wet season when the pools are full.

East Prasat Top
Architecturally unimpressive but historically important small tower. Also known as 'Monument 487' and 'Mangalartha' in honor of a powerful monk, Jayamangalartha, who was the son of one of Jayavarman VII’s Brahman monks. Originally commissioned by Jayavarman VII, it was not consecrated until 1295AD, decades after his death.
This temple was the final Brahmanic temple built in the Angkor area, marking the end of an era. Constructed in the historically hazy period of Hindu resurgence after the death of Jayavarman VII.
West Prasat Top
Small, ruined towers standing in an quiet section of Angkor Thom. Inscriptions indicate that the site was used as early as the 9th century, but the present structure is post Angkorian. The materials from the 10th and 11th were reused for the current structure which was probably assembled in the late 13th century. The few carvings that still exist are Buddhist some dating as late as the 17th century.

Banteay Kdei
Sprawling, largely unrestored, monastic complex in much the same style as Ta Prohm. It was originally constructed over the site of an earlier temple, and functioned as a Buddhist monastery under Jayavarman VII.
As with other works of Jayavarman VII's era, it is a tightly packed architectural muddle, which like Bayon, suffered from several changes in the plans at the time of construction. It was also built using an inferior grade of sandstone and using poor construction techniques, leading to much of the deterioration visible today. A restoration project is underway on many of the towers and corridors, and some areas are blocked off. The foundation stele of the temple has not been found so there is no record of to whom it is dedicated. The 13th century vandalism of Buddha images that is seen on many Jayavarman VII temples is quite apparent on Banteay Kdei. Combine with a visit to Srah Srang, which is just opposite the east entrance.
Banteay Prei
Small, untouristed temple near Neak Pean. Similar to Ta Som in architectural/artistic style and scale. Some of the apsara and Buddhist-themed lintel carvings are in pretty good condition. Oddly small doors and windows. Quiet, meditative spot.

Krol Ko
A small temple with a single central tower surrounded by two laterite walls. Pediments displaying the most interesting carvings at the site are on the ground along the enclosure wall. Krol Ko is comparatively untouristed, offering a peaceful respite.
Kbal Spean
A river of 1000 lingas’ is at Phnom Kulen. There are also carvings of Buddha and Buddhist images in the rock that date from a later period than the lingas. Entrance to the area closes at 3:00PM. Combine with a visit to Banteay Srey and allow a half-day for the two. Take the road straight past Banteay Srey about 12km. Look for the sign and parking area on the left side. Requires a moderately easy 45-minute uphill walk though the woods.
Phimeanakas
Impressive laterite and sandstone pyramid. The lack of surviving carvings leaves it artistically uninteresting, but it is the tallest scalable temple in Angkor Thom, providing a nice view from the top. The western staircase (at the back) is the most easily ascended. Located inside the ancient Royal Palace compound, Phimeanakas served as the king’s temple. Legend has it that the golden tower crowned the temple and was inhabited by a serpent, which would transform into a woman. The kings of Angkor were required to make love with the serpent every night, lest disaster befall him or the kingdom.

Kutisvara
Three prasats in a severe state of ruin with some come carvings still visible. Kutisvara is historically significant in that it was mentioned in an inscription in connection with the 9th century during the reign of Jayavarman II, the founder of the Angkor Empire. This is one of the earliest reference to an Angkor area temple. The central tower displays Preah Ko style. The outer towers are in Pre Rup style. Not many tourists visit this temple and some of the drivers don't know it. Just point it out on the map. It's a bit off the main road back amongst some rice paddies. During the wet season when the paddies are full, motos can't get all the way to the temple, requiring a short but potentially wet walk from the road to the temple.
Roluos Group
The Roluos Group is a collection of monuments representing the remains of Hariharalaya, the first major capital of the Angkorian-era Khmer Empire. It has become known as the ‘Roluos Group’ due to its proximity to the modern town of Roluos.
The ancient capital was named for Hari-Hara, a synthesis of the Hindu gods Shiva and Vishnu. Though there was an existing settlement in the area before the rise of Angkor, Hariharalaya was established as a capital city by Jayavarman II and served as the Khmer capital for over 70 years under four successive kings. Setting the pattern for the next four centuries, the first great Khmer temples (Bakong, Preah Ko, Lolei) and baray (reservoir) were constructed at Hariharalaya.
The last king at Hariharalaya, Yasovarman I, built the first major temple at Angkor, Phnom Bakheng, and moved the capital to the Bakheng area in 905 C.E. With the exception of a 20 year interruption in the 10th century, the capital would remain at Angkor until 1422 C.E., 12km southeast of Siem Reap.
Lolei (in the Roluos Group)
Roluos Group: Ruins of an island-temple built in the middle of a now dry baray, Indratataka, the first large-scale baray constructed by a Khmer king. Lolei consists of four brick towers on a double laterite platform. It was the last major temple built at Roluos before Yasovarman I moved the capital to the Angkor area. Though the towers are in poor condition, there are some lintel carvings in very good condition displaying the distinctively detailed Preah Ko style. An active pagoda has been built amongst the ruins. Of the Roluos Group ruins, allocate the least time Lolei.
Preah Ko (in the Roluos Group)
Roluos Group. Six towers displaying set on a platform, all beautifully preserved carvings . Originally surrounded by walls and gopuras of which only vestiges remain. Preah Ko was one of the first major temples of the empire at the early Khmer capital of Hariharalaya. Preah Ko (Sacred Bull) derives its name from the statues of bulls at the front of the central towers.
Prasat Kravan
East-facing brick towers containing unique bas-reliefs of Vishnu and Lakshmi rendered in brick - the only example of brick bas-reliefs in the Angkor area. Prasat Kravan was originally constructed by noblemen rather than a king and has a twin sister in Takeo Province south of Phnom Penh, Prasat Neang Khmau, which contained painting rather than bas-reliefs, some of which still survives. Prasat Kravan was reconstructed by archaeologists in the early 20th century. Look for modern replacement bricks labeled "CA.".
Prasat Suor Prat
Twelve nearly identical laterite and sandstone towers that stand opposite and parallel to the Terrace of the Elephants. The artistic and architectural style of the towers is somewhat unique, defying easy classification and dating. Construction may have begun under Jayavarman VII, but the towers do not display the classic Bayon-style characteristics. It has been argued that they may be post-Bayon or perhaps much earlier, as early the 11th century. The original function of the towers is a matter of debate but in the 13th century classic, "Customs of Cambodia," Chinese emissary to Angkor, Zhou Daguan, gives a romantic but dubious first hand account of their function. He wrote that the towers were used to settle legal disputes and matters of criminal justice. The belligerent parties were kept in the towers for a few days. The one to emerge in ill health was declared the loser, guilty by divine decree. The best photographed is in the late afternoon.
Ta Nei
Small (55m x 47m), semi-ruined, untouristed jungle temple reminiscent of Ta Som, and displaying classic Jayavarman VII artistry. Some of the apsara and lintel carvings are in pretty good condition. In much rougher shape than most of the temples on the main tour circuit. The primary road to Ta Nei from where it meets the Grand Circuit road near the southeast corner of Ta Keo was closed on last inspection.
To get to Ta Nei, park at the end of the road near Ta Keo and walk the dirt road about 1km to Ta Nei, or by motorcycle, follow unmarked dirt road from just outside the Victory Gate of Angkor Thom to the 'French Dam.' Cross the dam and proceed 200m up a small path.
Terrace of the Leper King
A double terrace wall at the north end of the Terrace of Elephants with deeply carved nagas, demons and other mythological beings. The inner wall is an earlier version of the outer wall that was covered at the time the outer wall was added. The inner wall was excavated by French archaeologists in the late 1990s. The terrace was named for the statue of the ‘Leper King’ that sits on top. Why the statue is known as the 'leper king' is a matter of debate. Some argue that when the statue was found, its lichen-eaten condition gave it the appearance of leprosy. Others have argued that it is a statue of the leper king of Khmer legend, or that the condition of the statue inspired its connection to the legend.
The model for the statue is also a matter of debate. Suggestions include a couple of different Hindu gods,
and the Khmer kings Yasovarman I and Jayavarman VII. Recent scholarship favors a combination of Jayavarman VII and Buddha. The statue of the leper king on display at the terrace is a replica. The original resides in the National Museum in Phnom Penh.
Thma Bay Kaek
The spare remains of a brick prasat, now disappeared, leaving only a doorframe, lintel and a bit of the terrace. A sacred relic of five gold leaves, one bearing the image of Nandi (Shiva’s bull), was discovered at this site. Combine with visit to Prasat Bei and Baksei Chamkrong.
Wat Atwea
Though lacking carvings, this laterite and sandstone temple is still in relatively good condition. It bears no inscriptions to allow precise dating but seems to have been constructed employing Angkor Wat architectural style, which is particularly apparent in the towers, suggestive of late 11th century construction. This temple seems to have been left unfinished as evidenced in part by the lack of carvings. Some of the Apsara carvings were abandoned half finished. It is next to an active wat of the same name. Because it is well outside the regular temple complex, it is relatively untouristed. Located 7km south of town, 200m off the main road from town to the Tonle Sap. Look for a white concrete arch/sign at the turnoff to the wat. For a countryside sunset, follow the dirt road for a kilometer or two past the wat. Palm trees and small huts lining the road open to rice paddies and Phnom Krom on the horizon.
East Mebon
East Mebon is a large temple-mountain-like ruin, rising three levels and crowned by five towers. Jayavarman IV, a usurper to the throne, moved the capital from Angkor to Koh Ker in 928AD. Sixteen years later Rajendravarman II returned the capital to Angkor and shortly thereafter constructed East Mebon on an island in the middle of the now dry Eastern Baray. The temple is dedicated to Shiva in honor of the king’s parents. Inscriptions indicate that it was also built to help reestablish the continuity of kingship at Angkor in light of the interruption that occurred when the seat of power had been moved to Koh Ker. There seems to be some scholarly debate as to whether East Mebon should be categorized as a temple-mountain. Inscriptions record activity at the temple as early as 947AD, but East Mebon was not consecrated until 952AD.
West Mebon
Ruins of the central island temple of the West Baray, West Mebon is in poor shape, consisting primarily of a single wall displaying some carvings in fair condition. The carvings exhibit some of the first examples of carvings of animals in natural, non-mythological scenes, reminiscent of carving on Baphuon. West Mebon may have originally housed a renowned bronze Buddha statue which is now held at the National Museum in Phnom Penh. The West Baray, though ancient, is filled with water year round and has become a local recreational area. Take route #6 west from town. Turn right about 3 km past the airport turnoff. A short boat ride is necessary to visit the ruins.
Banteay Samre
Large, comparatively flat temple displaying distinctively Angkor Wat-style architecture and artistry. The temple underwent extensive restoration this century by archaeologists using the anastylosis method. Banteay Samre was constructed around the same time as Angkor Wat. The style of the towers and balustrades bear strong resemblance to the towers of Angkor Wat and even more so to Khmer temple of Phimai in Thailand. Many of the carvings are in excellent condition. Banteay Samre is a bit off the Grand Circuit, near the southeast corner of the East Baray. The trip there is a nice little 3km road excursion through villages and paddies. Combine a visit to Banteay Srey with a stop at Banteay Samre on the way back.
Baphuon
Angkor Thom: Huge temple-mountain in the heart of Angkor Thom. Largely collapsed and in ruined condition, the main temple area is undergoing extensive restoration and is not open to the public.
The exterior entry gate and elevated walkway are open. Note the unique animal carvings at the walkway entrance, and the large reclining Buddha on the west side, added to the temple at a much later period.
Bat Chum
Trio of small brick towers on a platform with two surviving lintels in pretty good condition. Bat Chum is a historically unique early Buddhist temple constructed at a time when Hinduism dominated. The inscriptions on the doorways note the Buddhist dedication, praise the architect (who was also the architect for East Mebon and Pre Rup,) and admonishes local elephant handlers to keep their beasts off the dikes, like an ancient 'keep off the grass' sign. Follow unmarked dirt road between Pre Rup and Srah Srang about 1 km.
Beng Melea
Sprawling jungle temple covering over one square kilometer. The temple is largely overrun by vegetation and very lightly touristed, giving it an adventurous, ‘lost temple’ feel. Photographers: trees growing from the broken towers and galleries offer some of the best ‘tree in temple’ shots aside from Ta Prohm. Constructed in a distinctly Angkor Wat style under the same king that built Angkor Wat, Beng Melea preceded and may have served as a prototype of sorts for Angkor Wat.
Though there are some lintel and doorway carvings, there are no bas-reliefs and the carvings are comparatively sparse. When the temple was active, the walls may have been covered, painted or had frescos. In its time, Beng Melea was at the crossroads of several major highways that ran to Angkor, Koh Ker, Preah Vihear (in northern Cambodia) and northern Vietnam. Regular admission ticket are not required but there is a separate $5 entrance fee.Beng Melea is located 63km east of town. The road is now in good condition and the trip from Siem Reap takes 1-2 hours. Graded dirt road with occasional flooding in the rainy season.



Chapel of the Hospital
102 hospitals were built throughout the empire under Jayavarman VII. The hospital itself was probably constructed of perishable materials such as wood and bamboo, which has long since disappeared, leaving only the sandstone hospital temple or ‘chapel’ for the ages. This temple and the one at Ta Prohm Kel opposite Angkor Wat offer two examples of hospital temples. Constructed of sandstone, this Chapel of the Hospital is in rough condition but some carvings are still visible. A quiet, meditative spot, easily accessible but visited by few tourists.

Khleangs (North and South)
Rectangular sandstone buildings set opposite the Terrace of Elephants, behind the Prasat Suor Prat. ‘Kleang’ means ‘storeroom’ but it is unlikely that this was its actual function. A royal oath of allegiance carved into the doorway indicates that they may have served as reception areas or even housing for visiting noblemen and ambassadors. The North Kleang was built in wood under Rajendravarman II and then rebuilt in stone by Jayavarman V, probably before the construction of the South Kleang. It also contains the best preserved carvings. The South Kleang was never completed. The Kleangs are unremarkable upon close inspection but picturesque from a distance, standing among the Prasat Suor Prat. Best photographed in the afternoon.
Preah Pithu
Five small temples set in a quiet area. One of the temples is Buddhist and may date from the 14th century. The temples are in rough shape but there are interesting carved lintels scattered on the ground. Located in central Angkor Thom but not as touristed as the other temples in the area. Peaceful little jungle area behind the group.
Spean Thma
‘Spean Thma’ literally translates to 'Stone Bridge'. Remnants of an ancient bridge over the Siem Reap River. Reconstructed several times over the centuries. As it currently stands the bridge is of post-Angkorian construction, employing carved stone from earlier temples. It sits just to the side of the river, indicating how much the course of the river has shifted over the years, possibly in part due to the obstruction and sediment build up caused by the bridge.
Jayavarman VII
Following the death of Suryavarman around 1150 A.D., the kingdom fell into a period of internal strife. Its neighbors to the east, the Cham of what is now southern Vietnam, took advantage of the situation in 1177 to launch a seaborne invasion up the Mekong River and across Tonle Sap.The Cham forces were successful in sacking the Khmer capital of Yasodharapura and in killing the reigning king. However, a Khmer prince who was to become King Jayavarman VII rallied his people and defeated the Cham in battles on the lake and on the land. In 1181, Jayavarman assumed the throne. He was to be the greatest of the Angkorian kings.

Over the ruins of Yasodharapura, Jayavarman constructed the walled city of Angkor Thom, as well as its geographic and spiritual center, the temple known as the Bayon. Bas-reliefs at the Bayon depict not only the king's battles with the Cham, but also scenes from the life of Khmer villagers and courtiers. In addition, Jayavarman constructed the well-known temples of Ta Prohm and Preah Khan, dedicating them to his parents. This massive program of construction coincided with a transition in the state religion from Hinduism to Mahayana Buddhism, since Jayavarman himself had adopted the latter as his personal faith. During Jayavarman's reign, Hindu temples were altered to display images of the Buddha, and Angkor Wat briefly became a Buddhist shrine. Following his death, a Hindu revival included a large-scale campaign of desecrating Buddhist images, until Theravada Buddhism became established as the land's dominant religion from the 14th century.




Zhou Daguan
The year 1296 marked the arrival at Angkor of the Chinese diplomat Zhou Daguan. Zhou's one-year sojourn in the Khmer capital during the reign of King Indravarman III is historically significant, because he penned a still-surviving account of approximately 40 pages detailing his observations of Khmer society. Some of the topics he addressed in the account were those of religion, justice, kingship, agriculture, slavery, birds, vegetables, bathing, clothing, tools, draft animals, and commerce.

In one passage, he described a royal procession consisting of soldiers, numerous servant women and concubines, ministers and princes, and finally "the sovereign, standing on an elephant, holding his sacred sword in his hand." Together with the inscriptions that have been found on Angkorian stelas, temples and other monuments, and together with the bas-reliefs at the Bayon and Angkor Wat, Zhou's journal is our most significant source of information about everyday life at Angkor. Filled as it is with vivid anecdotes and sometimes incredulous observations of a civilization that struck Zhou as colorful and exotic, it is an entertaining travel memoire as well.

End of the Angkorian period
The end of the Angkorian period is generally set at 1431 A.D., the year Angkor was sacked and looted by Thai invaders, though the civilization already had been in decline in the 13th and 14th centuries. In the course of the 15th century, nearly all of Angkor was abandoned, except for Angkor Wat, which remained a Buddhist shrine. Several theories have been advanced to account for the decline and abandonment of Angkor.
War with the Thai
It is widely believed that the abandonment of the Khmer capital occurred as a result of Siamese invasions. Ongoing wars with the Siamese were already sapping the strength of Angkor at the time of Zhou Daguan toward the end of the 13th century. In his memoirs, Zhou reported that the country had been completely devastated by such a war, in which the entire population had been obligated to participate. After the collapse of Angkor in 1431, many persons, texts and institutions were taken to the Thai capital of Ayutthaya in the west, while others departed for the new center of Khmer society at Phnom Penh in the south.
Erosion of the state religion
Some scholars have connected the decline of Angkor with the conversion of Cambodia to Theravada Buddhism following the reign of Jayavarman VII, arguing that this religious transition eroded the Hindu conception of kingship that undergirded the Angkorian civilization. According to Angkor scholar George Coedès, Theravada Buddhism's denial of the ultimate reality of the individual served to sap the vitality of the royal personality cult which had provided the inspiration for the grand monuments of Angkor.
Neglect of public works
According to George Coedès, the weakening of Angkor's royal government by ongoing war and the erosion of the cult of the devaraja undermined the government's ability to engage in important public works, such as the construction and maintenance of the waterways essential for irrigation of the rice fields upon which Angkor's large population depended for its sustenance. As a result, Angkorian civilization suffered from a reduced economic base, and the population was forced to scatter.
Natural disaster
Other scholars attempting to account for the rapid decline and abandonment of Angkor have hypothesized natural disasters such as earthquakes, inundations, or drastic climate changes as the relevant agents of destruction. Recent research by Australian archaeologists suggests that the decline may have been due to a shortage of water caused by the transition from the medieval warm period to the little ice age. Coedès rejects such meteorological hypotheses as unnecessary, and insists that the decline of Angkor is fully explained by the deleterious effects of war and the erosion of the state religion.
Restoration and preservation
The great city and temples remained largely cloaked by the forest until the late 19th century when French archaeologists began a long restoration process. From 1907 to 1970 work was under the direction of the École française d'Extrême-Orient, which cleared away the forest, repaired foundations, and installed drains to protect the buildings from water damage. In addition, scholars associated with the school and including George Coedès, Maurice Glaize, Paul Mus, Philippe Stern and others initiated a program of historical scholarship and interpretation that is fundamental to the current understanding of Angkor.
Work resumed after the end of the Cambodia civil war, and since 1993 has been jointly co-ordinated by the French and Japanese and UNESCO through the International Co-ordinating Committee on the Safeguarding and Development of the Historic Site of Angkor (ICC), while Cambodian work is carried out by the Authority for the Protection and Management of Angkor and the Region of Siem Reap (APSARA), created in 1995.
Some temples have been carefully taken apart stone by stone and reassembled on concrete foundations, in accordance with the method of anastylosis. World Monuments Fund has aided Preah Khan, the Churning of the Sea of Milk (a 49-meter-long bas-relief frieze in Angkor Wat), Ta Som, and Phnom Bakheng. International tourism to Angkor has increased significantly in recent years, with visitor numbers reaching 900,000 in 2006; this poses additional conservation problems but has also provided financial assistance to restoration.[22]
Religious history
Historical Angkor was more than a site for religious art and architecture. It was the site of vast cities that responded to all the needs of a people, not only to specifically religious needs. Aside from a few old bridges, however, all of the remaining monuments are religious edifices. In Angkorian times, all non-religious buildings, including the residence of the king himself, were constructed of perishable materials, such as wood, "because only the gods had a right to residences made of stone."[23] Similarly, the vast majority of the surviving stone inscriptions are about the religious foundations of kings and other potentates.[24] As a result, it is easier to write the history of Angkorian state religion than it is to write that of just about any other aspect of Angkorian society.
Several religious movements contributed to the historical development of religion at Angkor:
Indigenous religious cults, including those centered on worship of the ancestors and of the lingam;
A royal personality cult, identifying the king with the deity, characteristic not only of Angkor, but of other Indic civilizations in southeast Asia, such as Champa and Java.
Hinduism, especially Shaivism, the form of Hinduism focussed on the worship of Shiva and the lingam as the symbol of Shiva, but also Vaishnavism, the form of Hinduism focussed on the worship of Vishnu;
Buddhism, in both its Mahayana and Theravada varieties.
Pre-Angkorian religion
The religion of pre-Angkorian Cambodia, known to the Chinese as Funan (first century A.D. to ca. 550) and Chenla (ca. 550 - ca.800 A.D.), included elements of Hinduism, Buddhism and indigenous ancestor cults.
Temples from the period of Chenla bear stone inscriptions, in both Sanskrit and Khmer, naming both Hindu and local ancestral deities, with Shiva supreme among the former. The cult of Harihara was prominent; Buddhism was not, because, as reported by the Chinese pilgrim Yi Jing, a "wicked king" had destroyed it. Characteristic of the religion of Chenla also was the cult of the lingam, or stone phallus that patronized and guaranteed fertility to the community in which it was located.
Shiva and the Lingam
The Khmer king Jayavarman II, whose assumption of power around 800 A.D. marks the beginning of the Angkorian period, established his capital at a place called Hariharalaya (today known as Roluos), at the northern end of the great lake, Tonle Sap. Harihara is the name of a deity that combines the essence of Vishnu (Hari) with that of Shiva (Hara) and that was much favored by the Khmer kings. Jayavarman II’s adoption of the epithet "devaraja" (god-king) signified the monarch's special connection with Shiva.
The beginning of the Angkorian period was also marked by changes in religious architecture. During the reign of Jayavarman II, the single-chambered sanctuaries typical of Chenla gave way to temples constructed as a series of raised platforms bearing multiple towers. Increasingly impressive temple pyramids came to represent Mount Meru, the home of the Hindu gods, with the moats surrounding the temples representing the mythological oceans.
Typically, a lingam served as the central religious image of the Angkorian temple-mountain. The temple-mountain was the center of the city, and the lingam in the main sanctuary was the focus of the temple. The name of the central lingam was the name of the king himself, combined with the suffix "-esvara" which designated Shiva. Through the worship of the lingam, the king was identified with Shiva, and Shaivism became the state religion. Thus, an inscription dated 881 A.D. indicates that king Indravarman I erected a lingam named "Indresvara." Another inscription tells us that Indravarman erected eight lingams in his courts, and that they were named for the "eight elements of Shiva." Similarly, Rajendravarman, whose reign began in 944 A.D., constructed the temple of Pre Rup, the central tower of which housed the royal lingam called "Rajendrabhadresvara."
Vaishnavism
In the early days of Angkor, the worship of Vishnu was secondary to that of Shiva. The relationship seems to have changed with the construction of Angkor Wat by King Suryavarman II as his personal mausoluem at the beginning of the 12th century A.D. The central religious image of Angkor Wat was an image of Vishnu, and an inscription identifies Suryavarman as "Paramavishnuloka," or "he who enters the heavenly world of Vishnu."
Religious syncretism, however, remained thoroughgoing in Khmer society: the state religion of Shaivism was not necessarily abrogated by Suryavarman's turn to Vishnu, and the temple may well have housed a royal lingam. Furthermore, the turn to Vaishnavism did not abrogate the royal personality cult of Angkor by which the reigning king was identified with the deity.
According to Angkor scholar George Coedès, "Angkor Wat is, if you like, a vaishnavite sanctuary, but the Vishnu venerated there was not the ancient Hindu deity nor even one of the deity's traditional incarnations, but the king Suryavarman II posthumously identified with Vishnu, consubstantial with him, residing in a mausoleum decorated with the graceful figures of apsaras just like Vishnu in his celestial palace."[42] Suryavarman proclaimed his identity with Vishnu, just as his predecessors had claimed consubstantiality with Shiva.
Mahayana Buddhism
In the last quarter of the 12th century, King Jayavarman VII departed radically from the tradition of his predecessors when he adopted Mahayana Buddhism as his personal faith. Jayavarman also made Buddhism the state religion of his kingdom when he constructed the Buddhist temple known as the Bayon at the heart of his new capital city of Angkor Thom. In the famous face towers of the Bayon, the king represented himself as the bodhisattva Avalokiteshvara moved by compassion for his subjects. Thus, Jayavarman was able to perpetuate the royal personality cult of Angkor, while identifying the divine component of the cult with the bodhisattva rather than with Shiva.
Hindu restoration
The Hindu restoration began around 1243 A.D., with the death of Jayavarman VII’s successor Indravarman II. The next king Jayavarman VIII was a Shaivite iconoclast who specialized in destroying Buddhist images and in reestablishing the Hindu shrines that his illustrious predecessor had converted to Buddhism. During the restoration, the Bayon was made a temple to Shiva, and its image of the Buddha was cast to the bottom of a well. Everywhere, cultic statues of the Buddha were replaced by lingams.
Religious pluralism
When Chinese traveller Zhou Daguan came to Angkor in A.D. 1296, he found what he took to be three separate religious groups. The dominant religion was that of Theravada Buddhism. Zhou observed that the monks had shaven heads and wore yellow robes. The Buddhist temples impressed Zhou with their simplicity. He noted that the images of Buddha were made of gilded plaster. The other two groups identified by Zhou appear to have been those of the Brahmans and of the Shaivites (lingam worshippers). About the Brahmans Zhou had little to say, except that they were often employed as high officials. Of the Shaivites, whom he called "Taoists," Zhou wrote, "the only image which they revere is a block of stone analogous to the stone found in shrines of the god of the soil in China."
Theravada Buddhism
In the course of the 13th century, Theravada Buddhism coming from Siam (Thailand) made its appearance at Angkor. Gradually it became the dominant religion of Cambodia, displacing both Mahayana Buddhism and Shaivism. The practice of Theravada Buddhism at Angkor continues until this day.
Jayavarman II
Jayavarman II , a 9th Century Khmer king, is widely recognized as the founder of the Khmer Empire, which ruled much of the Southeast Asian mainland for more than six hundred years. Historians commonly date his reign as running from 802 A.D. to 835-850 A.D. An inscription recounts that on a mountaintop Jayavarman had a Brahman priest conduct a religious rite that created an independent Khmer state, with Jayavarman as its head. The text also recounts establishment of the Hindu court ritual known as the cult of the devajara , continued by successive Khmer monarchs. He appears to have reigned in more than one capital, including Hariharalaya near the present-day village of Roulous, southeast of the main Angkor complex that was later the empire’s capital.
Despite this key role in Khmer history, few firm facts survive about Jayavarman. No inscriptions authored by him have been found, but he is mentioned in numerous others, some of them written long after his death. He appears to have been of aristocratic birth, beginning his career of conquest in the southeast of present-day Cambodia. He may have been known as Jayavarman Ibis at that time. “For the prosperity of the people in this perfectly pure royal race, great lotus which no longer has a stalk, he rose like a new flower,” declares one inscription. Various other details are recounted in inscriptions: he married a woman named Hyang Amrita; he dedicated a temple at Lobok Srot, in the southeast.
Taken in sum, the record suggests that Jayavarman and his followers moved over the course of some years from southeast Cambodia to the northwest, subduing various principalities along the way. Historian Claude Jacques writes that he first seized the city of Vyadhapura in the southeast, then pushed up the Mekong to take Sambhupura. He later installed himself at another city state, now known as Banteay Prei Nokor, near present-day Kompong Cham. Jacques believes that from there he pressed on to Wat Pu, seat of a city-state in present-day southern Laos, then moved along the Dangrek Mountains to arrive in the Angkor region. Later he brought pressure on local Khmer leaders located to the west, but they fought back and drove him to seek refuge on the summit of present-day Mount Kulen, about 50 kilometers east of from Angkor, where the Brahman declared the independent state. Jacques suggests that this step might have been intended to affirm Jayavarman's authority in the face of strong resistance.
Once established in the Angkor region, he appears to have reigned not only in Hariharalaya, located just north of the Tonle Sap lake, but also at a place that inscriptions call Amarendrapura. It has not been positively identified, though some historians believe it to be a now lost settlement at the western end of the West Baray, the eight kilometer-long holy reservoir that was built about two centuries after his death. No single temple is positively associated with Jayavarman, but some historians suggest he may have built Ak Yum, a brick stepped pyramid, now largely ruined, at the southern edge of the West Baray. The temple was a forerunner to the mountain-temple architectural form of later Khmer kings.
The most valuable inscription concerning Jayavarman II is one dated 1052 A.D., two centuries after his death, and found at the Sdok Kak Thom temple in present day Thailand. “When His Majesty Paramesvara came from Java to reign in the royal city of Indrapura,…Sivakaivalya, the family’s learned patriarch, was serving as his guru and held the post of royal chaplain to His Majesty,” states the inscription, using the king’s posthumous name. In a later passage, the text says that a Brahman named Hiranyadama, “proficient in the lore of magic power, came from Janapada in response to His Majesty’s having invited him to perform a sublime rite which would release Kambujadesa [the kingdom] from being any longer subject to Java.” The text also recounts the creation of the cult of the devaraja, the key religious ceremony in the court of Jayavarman and subsequent Khmer monarchs.
The word "Java" has caused endless debate among scholars. Many, such as Charles Higham, doubt that it refers to the island of that name in present-day Indonesia. They believe it means some other foreign place which at the time had a similar-sounding name, perhaps the kingdom of Champa to the east. Or perhaps it referred to a place on the Malay peninsula then under the rule of Java. Others scholars, such as Lawrence Palmer Briggs, have taken it to mean the island. If Jayavarman did come from there, he would have likely been influenced by the refined art and culture of the Sailendra dynasty that was in power at the time, including the concept of the devajara.
Writings attributed to an Arab merchant named Sulayman, who is said to have traveled in the region in the Ninth Century, contain a detailed story of a “maharaja,” apparently an Eighth Century Javanese king, who heard that a Khmer king had expressed a desired to see the maharaja’s head on a platter. In response, the maharaja stealthily came to the Khmer kingdom with soldiers, captured the offending monarch, sat on his throne and had him beheaded. The embalmed head was left behind as a warning to later Khmer kings. Early scholars of Khmer history theorized that this tale, though likely embellished, described basic historical events that played a role in Jayavarman’s own personal history. He was successor to the beheaded king, they suggested. He embarked for Java to pay tribute, but declared independence after his return.
The Sdok Kak Thom inscription states that Jayavarman II died at Haraharilaya. After him, the throne was held by his son Jayavarman III and two other kings of the family into which he had married. He is formally honored along with these two kings and their wives in the Preah Ko temple in Roulous, built by King Indravarman I and inaugurated in 880 A.D.
Debate continues concerning Jayavarman II's dates. The Sdok Kak Thom inscription puts his accession to the throne in 802 A.D., a date now generally accepted by scholars. But an inscription from the reign of the 10th Century monarch Rajendravarman II dates the event to 791/792 A.D. None of these dates, however are mentioned in inscriptions of Indravarman I. Similar ambiguity exists concerning the date of his death.
More broadly, debate continues as to whether Jayavarman II’s rule truly represented a seminal turning point in Khmer history, the creation of an independent unified state from small feuding principalities, or was instead part of a long process toward that end. Certainly inscriptions indicate that later Khmer kings treated him as the august first in their line and font of their own legitimacy. But Hindu civilization had existed already for centuries in the region; the fact that Jayavarman was the second monarch to carry that name is a sign that there was already long line of kings of significant states in the region.
Apsara
An Apsara, plural apsarasaḥ, stem apsaras, a feminine consonant stem) is a female spirit of the clouds and waters in Hindu and Buddhist mythology. Frequently encountered English translations of the word "Apsara" are "nymph," "celestial nymph," and "celestial maiden."Apsaras are supernatural beings: they appear as young women of great beauty and elegance who are proficient in the art of dancing. They are the wives of the Gandharvas, court servants of Indra. They dance to the music made by their husbands, usually in the palaces of the gods, and entertain gods and fallen heroes. In their assignment as caretakers of fallen heroes, they may be compared to the valkyries of Norse mythology.
Apsaras are said to be able to change their shapes at will, and specially rule over the fortunes of gaming and gambling. Urvasi, Menaka, Rambha and Tilottama are the most famous among them. Apsaras are sometimes compared to the muses of ancient Greece, with each of the 26 Apsaras at Indra's court representing a distinct aspect of the performing arts. Apsaras are associated with water; thus, they may be compared to the nymphs, dryads and naiads of ancient Greece. They are also associated with fertility rites. In Hinduism, the lower Apsaras are sometimes regarded as nature spirits who may lure men to their deaths; in this respect they may be compared to the Slavic Rusalki or the Greek sirens.